Tuesday 23 April 2013

Preventive Detentions in Kashmir: Still a Lawless Law


The political status of the territory of Jammu and Kashmir remains controversial for the past sixty-five years. After peaceful methods and negotiations failed, the people of Jammu and Kashmir took to arms in the year 1989. Since 1989, Jammu and Kashmir has seen fierce demand for self-determination and independence. To suppress the movement, the government of India and the government of Jammu and Kashmir joined hands. The methods of repression which were/are being used range from imposition of black laws to official impunity provided to the armed forces and rigorous use of certain old legislations. The Public Safety Act of 1978 and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1990 are invoked by the armed forces to maintain “public order” or the “security of the state”. These laws although being used on the pretext of protecting the local population of Jammu and Kashmir have been the major cause of human rights violations.
Amnesty International in the year 2011 released a report titled ‘A Lawless Law’ on the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978. After the report was released some major developments took place in Jammu and Kashmir. The UN Rapporteur was allowed to visit Kashmir after twenty years and this apart a team of Central Government appointed interlocutors was sent to assess the ground realities in Kashmir. The rapporteur urged India that it should take measures to ensure human rights are not violated and the interlocutors urged for removal of draconian legislations which do not serve the purpose. In this backdrop the PSA was amended in the year 2012 to bring it in tune with the constitutional and basic rights of the people. As a follow up, Amnesty International again assessed the PSA (amended) and released a report titled ‘Still A Lawless law’ to study whether the amendments have improved the human rights situation under this particular law or not.
The Amnesty International report of 2011 A ‘Lawless Law’ had raised concerns that the Act poses a threat to certain basic and fundamental rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir: the right to life and liberty, right to freedom of speech and expression and right to free movement.  It further says that the abuse which is inherent in the Act poses serious threat to the safety and security of the population of Jammu and Kashmir.
The main feature of PSA are that the Act allows detention of any person on the grounds of mere suspicion that he/she may disrupt law and order in the state or may act in a manner prejudicial to the security of the state. Further, under this Act the state while preventing smuggling of timber or preventing presence of a foreigner or a person who is residing in the territory of Jammu and Kashmir under the occupation of Pakistan, may detain such person. The order of the detention under the PSA cannot be held to be inoperative or invalid on the grounds of technical issues, vagueness, nonexistence of one or more grounds or that the grounds are irrelevant, or the officer had no territorial jurisdiction to make such detention.  The government has powers to restrict or stop circulation of any documents in and out of the state and may seize those documents to prevent entry. The Act also empowers the government to declare any area as prohibited or protected and can restrict entry thereto.
Backed by case studies the Amnesty International in its report of 2011 immaculately and comprehensively analysed the PSA in Jammu and Kashmir and concluded that this Act is not only in serious violation of basic human rights but is in fact contrary to India’s obligation under domestic and international law. The report evidently demonstrates that in Jammu and Kashmir PSA is being used to detain people without charge or trial. This report reveals how PSA continues to be used in Jammu and Kashmir to detain individuals for years at a time, without any charge or trial.
For instance, Shabir Ahmad Shah has been kept “out of circulation” and in and out of prison for much of the time since 1989, when a popular movement and armed uprising for independence began in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). As the leader of the Jammu and Kashmir Democratic Freedom Party he has been amongst the most vocal and consistent voices demanding an independent Kashmir. As a result he has spent over 25 years in various prisons, much of it in “preventive” or administrative detention, that is, detention by executive order without charge or trial.
The report showed that the PSA bypasses all the institutions, procedures and human rights safeguards of ordinary criminal justice system in order to secure a long detention term. The report further showed that the PSA incarcerates suspects without adequate evidence, a fair trial, without following rules of evidence, and the burden and standard of proof that one is expected to follow in order to minimize the risk of punishing the innocent, are bypassed under the Act.  It further highlights that from last five years there has been resurgence in the number of street protests in Jammu and Kashmir and that these protests largely comprise of young boys and children. State authorities have largely controlled these protests by extensive use of PSA being slapped on them. The report raises serious concerns that despite the shift in the situation (in terms of dying militancy) the government still uses such extraordinary measures in Jammu and Kashmir. Protestors in Kashmir are often labelled as “anti-national” solely because they express their political dissent through peaceful action. While reviewing background of the people booked under PSA, the report highlights that the people detained under PSA include political activists, lawyers and journalists. This report brings to light the fact that this Act allows the State and its law enforcement agencies to book people on mere suspicion and against whom no concrete proof of guilt can be established. While analysing the cases under PSA, the report interestingly highlights that the rate of conviction for possession of unlawful weapons which is one of the most common charges of detention is 0.5 per 100 cases, which is 130 times lower than the conviction rate in India for the same offense, if prosecuted before the civil court but the PSA allows State and its law enforcing agencies to detain people all together for years without any legal recourse and without any chance of them being produced before the court.
 As the report is quite extensive it also highlights that the PSA is violative of the principle of legality under international law. Delayed and secret reasons for detention (which are not communicated to the detainees), detainees having no recourse to justice (as no legal representation is permitted before the Advisory Board which is there to review the order of detention), the indefinite detention of foreign nationals and the immunity provided to the officials from prosecution under the Act.
In addition, the report raises some relevant issues that within the detention processes, the incidents of serious abuses committed by the officials (unacceptable under the international and human rights law) have been reported from Kashmir. Further elaborating on this point the report emphasizes that in the cases of incommunicado detentions: detentions in secret places and without any formal orders jeopardizes the safety and life of a detainee (given the fact of disappearances in Jammu and Kashmir) and that these detentions are donewithout any legal ground and are often based on vague or fabricated evidence and without any pplication of mind. Further highlighting the nature of ‘lawlessness’ experienced under the PSA, the report emphasizes that the families are often denied access to the detainees and that  family members are not even informed about the place of detention. The report further elaborates that the practice of torture and ill-treatment towards the detainees is rampant. Once a person is detained it becomes impossible or difficult to live a normal life as the officials then use ‘revolving door detentions’:  that even as soon as one detention order is quashed by the High Court a new detention order is slapped. Highlighting the seriousness of the situation the report notes that the number of habeas corpus petitions in the Jammu and Kashmir High Court is so enormous that one day of the week is reserved for the same only.
One of the major concerns that the report reflects on is that the government and the law enforcement agencies have put up a bench mark for detentions and every agency in a particular area has to meet the minimum target. This would mean that a particular agencycan detain and in fact detains anybody to complete the target. In pursuit of reaching the minimum target the agencies often violate child rights under the PSA. TheJammu and Kashmir Juvenile Justice Actprovides that any boy who has attained the age of 16 years and any girl who has attained the age of 18 years is a juvenile. Whereas the law for the rest of India, and the conventions on the rights of a child, which India has ratified, the age of a minor is below 18 years. Further, PSA does not provide any specific provisions to set an age bar below which no one could be detained. Thus this leads to a situation where a large number of children are being detained for pelting stones or otherwise for meeting the target for detentions. These children are slapped with some of the most serious charges that include rioting, attempt to secession, anti-national activities, waging war etc. The report A ‘Lawless Law’ thus recommended that PSA should be repealed as it violates the basic human rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. It also urges India to ratify without reservations, and fully implement in practice the UN Convention against Torture and its optional protocols. The report further urges India to withdraw its reservation to Article 9 of ICCPR in the presence of Article 22 of the constitution of India which provides for preventive detention. However, the UNHRC, the expert body charged under the ICCPR with overseeing its implementation, has specifically clarified that Article 9 would also apply in cases of preventive or administrative detention despite reservations. The report also recommended that provisions must be there for compensation of illegal detention which Indian law is yet to bring in.
In the back drop of the recommendations by Amnesty International the government of Jammu and Kashmir amended the Act in the year 2012. It was hoped that these amendments will bring the Act in consonance with the fundamental rights guaranteed to the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
Second report by Amnesty International on PSA titled Still A Lawless Law’ was produced in continuation of the previous report titled ‘A Lawless Law’. The report focuses on whether the amendments have actually addressed the issues and concerns raised by Amnesty International earlier vis-a-vis Public Safety Act. While welcoming the amendments, Amnesty International has expressed hope that the state will further ensure that law and order situations are taken care of without compromising on the human rights. However, the report expresses serious concerns that even after the amendments the PSA continues to be an abusive law and continues to operate or being operated as A ‘Lawless Law’.
The second report in its introduction presents to the readers a classic case of detention under the PSA. The state authorities detain people on flimsy grounds and without any application of mind causing serious threat to the liberty of the people and making the whole population vulnerable to the abuse of the Act. This classical case further shows that the state has as a matter of policy used the tactics of  revolving door detentions (once the detention period is over or the court quashes the order and directs for the release, new detention order is slapped on that person) which puts the people behind the bars without any formal legal proceedings. The report expresses its concern majorly on the issues of detention without application of mind and revolving door detentions. The report suggeststhat under the Act there have been around 15,600 illegal detentions (this number is even acknowledged by S M Sahai, the chief of police in Kashmir Division). The report notes that the political status of Jammu and Kashmir has been controversial for decades as the people are fighting for their right to self-determination and independence. The report acknowledges that the laws like the PSA and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act are draconian and violate basic human rights of the people.
 The report takes a note of the amendments to the PSA. They are:
•  Section 8 of the PSA was amended to provide that no person under the age of 18 may be detained under the PSA for offenses under sections 8(a) and (a-1) of the PSA.
•  Section 13 was amended to add that the grounds of detention have to be communicated to the detainee within 10 days from the time of arrest and in a language that he or she understands.
• Section 14 was amended to introduce a maximum term of office for the Chair and members of the Advisory Board. Now, they can hold office for a maximum of three years, which will be extendable for a further period of two years. Prior to the amendments, there was no maximum term.
•  Following the amendment to section 16, the Advisory Board must submit its report to the Government within a period of six weeks from the date of detention. They had eight weeks to do so prior to the amendments.
•  Section 18 was amended to reduce the maximum period of detention under the PSA. This was reduced from 12 months to three months, extendable to 12 months, in the case of persons “acting in any manner prejudicial to public order”. It was reduced from two years to six months, extendable to two years, in the case of persons acting in “any manner prejudicial to the security of the state”.
The report explains that even after amendments to the law the main provisions of the Act remain as under:
Under section 8, a Divisional Commissioner or a District Magistrate may issue a detention order to prevent any person from acting in a manner prejudicial to the “security of the State” or “the maintenance of the public order”.
The authority is not required to disclose any facts “which it considers being against the public interest to disclose”.
As per section 22, no “suit, prosecution or any other legal proceeding shall lie against any person for anything done or intended to be done in good faith” under the PSA.
The report concludes that even after the amendments the PSA violates International Human Rights Law and international Human Rights Law in practice. The report focuses on the detention of children. Even though the PSA was amended to expressly bar detention of any person who is below the age of 18, the detention of children continue to be the practice in total disregard of the Act itself and the Convention on the Rights of a Child to which India is a signatory. The report provides us with the detailed proof where children below the age of 18 are falsely mentioned as 18 or above 18. In fact, Amnesty International found that in at least three cases authorities’ detained children by falsely recording their age as being above 18. Both Mohammad Rafiq Sheikh and Murtaza Manzoor Panzoo were detained when they were 17, but their grounds of detention stated that they were 19. This practice has become very rampant in the wake of stone pelting incidents. The report further raises concerns that necessary processes are being bypassed like communication of the grounds of detention are not made known to thedetainees. Review by the Advisory Board is still done without any legal representation on behalf of the detainees and Revolving Door Detention remains the norm. Still detentions are made on the pretext of being supporters of pro-freedom parties and political dissent is still treated with slapping of PSA. The second report thus highlights that the amendments did not bring any significant change in torture trail or in other Ill-Treatment and lack of Medical Treatment to the detainees. The report rightly concludes that even after the amendments, PSA still remains a lawless law.

The issue of Reproductive Rights in India: How is it different from other societies?



Last November, we witnessed the death of a 31 year old Indian woman, Savita Hallapanavar, in Ireland, after doctors refused to give her an abortion 17 weeks into pregnancy, which created quite a huge furore in the Indian and Irish media. The reason for such a hue and cry was the reason that the doctors cited for their inability to perform an abortion – that Ireland, being a Catholic country, they are obligated not to take the life of a foetus. It is the growing perception that Ireland is being governed by a legal regime that encourages doctors to consider the repercussions of taking the life of a foetus even if it at the cost of the life of the mother, thereby keeping in tune with the ideals of the largely Catholic constitution of the country. It is pervaded by a religious dogma that is disrespectful to non believers and demonstrates utter disregard for the life of a mother as opposed to the ‘life’ of a yet-to-be-born baby.
The debate in this issue basically boils down to pro-choice and pro-life support. The pro-choice and pro-life antagonists argue over whether a woman should have the right to abort a pregnancy when she decides that she is either unable or unwilling to invest a lifetime of resources in the foetus that she is carrying. The pro-life proponents claim that such an act is equivalent to murder because the foetus must be considered a viable human being from the time of conception. The pro-choice proponents, on the other hand, advocate a woman’s rights to control her own body, her right to an induced abortion, especially when her own life is in danger. They argue that when the foetus is detrimental to the survival of the pregnant woman, she should be allowed to choose whether she wants to save her own life herself by exercising her natural rights over her own life and body or she wants to try saving her baby.
In this perspective, it is interesting to examine the position and awareness of the issue of abortion laws in India. In other societies, activists talk about the abortion as something that also involves the ending of a potential human life. However, here, we do not discuss the issue of women’s reproductive rights and abortion on terms of pro-life and pro-choice. We don’t talk and argue about the rights of the mother vis-à-vis those of the unborn baby. In our society, abortion is more of a visceral and possibly sentimental issue, and the causes leading to abortion are looked down upon as things that are extremely shameful for a woman, by the so-called moral guardians of the society. Here, the topic of a case of abortion and the factors leading to it are discussed in a hushed whisper, a disapproving tone and cluck of the tongue.
The Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act was enacted in 1971 and was suitably amended in 1975. The Indian law empowers women with a choice of abortion in the event of contraceptive abortion,  all pregnancies- not just those that endanger the health of mother or foetus, or resulting from rape –- can be terminated legally. Technically, any woman above the age of 18 can have an abortion with nobody’s consent but her own and her doctor’s.  However, like several of our laws designed to directly impact the lives of women in ostensibly positive ways, what is real on paper is not nearly as effective in practice. Just like other major women centric laws in India, that prohibit pre-natal sex determination, dowry, women’s education; legislative protection in the field of reproductive and abortion rights also does not translate to reality.
Abortion exists in India. Indian society also strongly encourages it, but hardly when the life of the mother is in danger. Many conservative families in patriarchal Indian families urge the mother to go for abortion, when they get the information through illegal scans that the ensuing baby is a girl child; or when, some woman from the family has got pregnant before marriage. That is when abortion ceases to be an issue which champions a feministic point of view, but rather turns detrimental from a perspective of women’s rights.
As mentioned earlier, the issue of abortion in India is not based on the pro-life and pro-choice divide which debates, elsewhere in the world are based on. From a strictly legal point of view, abortion in India is pro-choice. The fact that India has been plagued by the disturbing facets of overpopulation demands, legality of abortion is a practical solution. The primary reason why abortion is legal in India has only little coherence with it being a basic, personal right and has more to do resources and development. Moreover, in the Indian society, where unwanted pregnancy is a social taboo, had abortion not been legal, it would have led to problems galore. Many a woman would have been forced to go for abortions in clandestine and unsafe medical conditions, to avoid ‘social shame’. That in turn, would have led to gross violations of the law coupled with dangerous medical consequences, possibly even death. However, one of the primary objectives of such a law is to remove the tag of taboo attached with the topic of abortion in the Indian society, something which hasn’t been achieved yet.
Keeping the legality of the issue aside, we need to ponder over as to why, incidents related to abortion and unwanted pregnancy are rarely regarded as anything other than shameful events, slips of judgement or  symptoms of malaises in the society. In India, only few sections of the society think on the lines of unwanted pregnancies being a simple biological occurrence, which can be dealt with, safely and quickly, thanks to the bludgeoning medical technology. Rather, they seem to imagine abortion as an undesirable yet inevitable consequence, resulting from lack of moral standards of a woman.
Ultimately, legislation is not the only and moreover, effective tool to ensure that women are aware of and have easy access to their reproductive rights. We have to move beyond the black letter of the law to address such an issue, which is so central to women’s rights. The law is worth its salt when women can go for abortions without being branded sluts, without any sort of social repercussions. Of course, there should be room enough for debateon whether a mother’s life should be given primary importance as opposed to that of the foetus or an unborn baby. The medical safety aspect of abortion cases should also be taken into consideration, while discussing the issue. Furthermore, the logistical problems of abortions being legalized and its potential subsequent misuse should also be open to debate, especially in a society like that of India’s, where the frequency of cases in which female foetuses are surgically killed even when there is no iota of danger to the mother’s life, is far too high. But seeing the topic of abortion and reproductive rights of women as a social taboo doesn’t really make much sense.

by Samyak Sibasish

Registrations are open for Online Certificate Course on Intellectual Property (IP), May - July 2013 being conducted by Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI).


Registrations are open for Online Certificate Course on Intellectual Property (IP), May - July 2013 being conducted by Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI).
Course Duration:                   3 Months

Registration Start Date:              1st April 2013

Registration Closing Date:          25th April 2013

Conduct of the Course:              1st May 2013 – 31st July 2013

The Course may be pursued by the Students from Law, Science and related disciplines, Lawyers, Patent Agents, Professionals from Industry fields, such as Electrical, Computer, Chemical, Mechanical, Research and Development and other scientific domains, enforcement personnel, etc .

Key Features includes Forum to enable participants to raise queries to IP Expert and also to interact with other participants and the IPR Updates enabling participants to remain updated on the latest IP Issues.

Registration Procedure

§  Those interested are required to register online ( www.ficciipcourse.in ) by filling the Online Registration Form which is available on the website.
§  Payment for the Course, as applicable to students, MSMEs and participants from Industry and others, is to be made through Cheque/DD in favour of "FICCI", payable at New Delhi.
§  The Registrants are requested to write their Name, Username made while registering online, Contact Number/Mobile Number and Course Name, on the reverse side of the Cheque/DD.
§  The Registrants are requested to send the Cheque/DD through courier/speed post, addressed to Mr. Abhishek Bajaj, Senior Assistant Director, Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI), Federation House, Tansen Marg, New Delhi - 110001.
§  The Cheque/DD should reach to the above mentioned address on or before 25th April 2013.

The readers may visit www.ficciipcourse.in or e-mail at ipcourse@ficci.com for any further information.
PLEASE MENTION TO BE LAWYERS AS SOURCE OF INFO.

Tuesday 9 April 2013



Recently, the Parliament passed a law that addresses the issue of sexual harassment in the work place.  The Bill, introduced in the Lok Sabha on December 7, 2010, drew on the 1997judgment of the Supreme Court (known as the Vishaka judgment) to codify measures that employers need to take to address sexual harassment at the work place. (See PRS analysis of the Bill here).
The Bill was first passed in the Lok Sabha on September 3, 2011.  It incorporated many of the amendments recommended by the Standing Committee on Human Resource Development that examined the Bill.  The Rajya Sabha passed it on February 27, 2013 without any new amendments (see Bill as passed by Parliament).
We compare the key provisions of the Bill, the Standing Committee recommendations and the Bill that was passed by Parliament (for a detailed comparison, see here).
Bill as introduced
Standing Committee recommendations
Bill as passed by Parliament
Clause 2: Status of domestic workers
Excludes domestic workers from the protection of the Bill.
The definition should include (i)  domestic workers; and (ii) situations involving ‘victimization’;
Includes domestic worker. Does not include victimisation.
Clause 4: Constitution of Internal Complaints Committee (ICC)
The committee shall include 4 members: a senior woman employee, two or more employees and one member from an NGO committed to the cause of women.
The strength of ICC should be increased from 4 to at least 5 (or an odd number) to facilitate decisions in cases where the bench is divided.
Disqualifies a member if (a) he has been convicted of an offence or an inquiry is pending against him or (b) he is found guilty in disciplinary proceedings or a disciplinary proceeding is pending against him.
Members may not engage in any paid employment outside the office.
Barring paid employment outside the office goes against NGO members who may be employed elsewhere. This clause must be edited.
Deletes the provision that disallows NGO members to engage in paid employment outside.  NGO members to be paid fees or allowances.
Clause 6: Constitution and jurisdiction of Local Complaints Committee (LCC)
An LCC is required to be constituted in every district and additional LLCs at block level.  At the block level the additional LCC will address complaints where the complainant does not have recourse to an ICC or where the complaint is against the employer.
The functions of the district level and the block level LCCs are not delineated clearly. It is also unclear whether the block level LCCs are temporary committees constituted for dealing with specific cases. Instead of creating additional LCCs at the block level, the District level LCC may be allowed to handle cases. A local member from the block may be co-opted as a member to aid the LCC in its task.
Accepted.
Clause 10: Conciliation
The ICC/ LCC shall provide for conciliation if requested by the complainant.  Otherwise, it shall initiate an inquiry.
Distinction should be made between minor and major offences. Conciliation should be allowed only for minor offences.
Adds a proviso that monetary settlement shall not be the basis on which conciliation is made.
Clause 11: Inquiry into Complaint
ICC/LCC shall proceed to make inquiry into a complaint in such manner as may be prescribed.
No suggestion.
Inquiries will be conducted in accordance with service rules or in such manner as may be prescribed.For domestic workers, the LCC shall forward the complaint to the police within seven days if a prima facie case exists.  The case shall be registered under section 509 of Indian Penal Code (word, gesture or act intended to insult the modesty of a woman).
Sources: 1) http://www.prsindia.org/theprsblog/
2) The Protection of Women Against Sexual Harassment at Work Place Bill, 2010; the Standing Committee on HRD Report on the Bill; the Sexual Harassment at Work Place (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Bill, 2012;

Tuesday 12 February 2013

Democracy and Democratization in the modern era


Democracy and Democratization in the modern era


One of the particular features of human beings is the desire to rule. To rule or pursue others to do things according to a person’s will was stronger in olden times. The king was the ruler of a country and the people were bound to obey him. This condition prevailed from ancient era. The history of mankind is always connected with the rule of several rulers and their system of rules. In ancient period the phenomenon of feudal system existed all over the world   in several forms. This created the divisions or class of people. The influential ones who were near to the rulers amassed wealth in several ways. The people in the lower class had to suffer physically and mentally as a result of this system. Gradually protest against autocratic rule began from the oppressed. This oppression led to the rise democracy in the world.

Democracy is the concept of system of rule of the people, by the people and f the people. Democratic system in modern era plays an important role in the life of people all over the world. Democracy affirms the spirit of independence. India is the largest democratic nation in the world. In a democratic nation the ultimate word to rule is the decision of people of that country. For this the most accepted method is the system of voting. Through the votes people decides their leaders who are capable of ruling a country. This system definitely made an end to kings and autocratic rule. 

Today most of the countries follow this system as it indeed the right system for the modern era. Today due to democratization people have the liberty to choose their way of living. They don’t have to live according to the will of others. The constitution of each country gives all the citizens equal right to live which is the result of democratic concept. The rulers and the people of have equal right and responsibilities towards the country. The most important feature of democracy is the equality as no body is expected to be exploited by others on the base of caste, creed, religion and social status.

The democratization is the most suitable system of rule of modern era without any doubt. It ensures justice, equality, right to life, right to every other aspect to the citizen of a democratic country. It is indeed is a system found by the people for the people

An Overview of Fast Track Courts


Recently, Delhi witnessed large scale protests by various groups demanding stricter punishment and speedier trial in cases of sexual assault against women. In light of the protests, the central government has constituted a Commission (headed by Justice Verma) to suggest possible amendments in the criminal law to ensure speedier disposal of cases relating to sexual assault. Though the Supreme Court, in 1986, had recognised speedy trial to be a fundamental right, India continues to have a high number of pending cases.
In 2012, the net pendency in High Courts and subordinate courts decreased by over 6 lakh cases. However, there is still a substantial backlog of cases across various courts in the country. As per the latest information given by the Ministry of Law and Justice, there are 43.2 lakh cases pending in the High Courts and 2.69 crore cases pending in the district courts.[1]
After the recent gang-rape of a 23 year old girl, the Delhi High Court directed the state government to establish five Fast Track Courts (FTCs) for the expeditious adjudication of cases relating to sexual assault. According to a news report, other states such as Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu have also begun the process of establishing FTCs for rape cases. In this blog, we look at the status of pending cases in various courts in the country, the number of vacancies of judges and the status of FTCs in the country.
Vacancies in the High Courts and the Subordinate Courts
One of the reasons for the long delay in the disposal of cases is the high number of vacancies in position for judges in the High Courts and the District Courts of the country. As of December 1, 2012, the working strength of the High Court judges was 613 as against the sanctioned strength of 895 judges. This reflects a 32% vacancy of judges across various High Courts in the country. The highest number of vacancies is in the Allahabad High Court with a working strength of 86 judges against the sanctioned strength of 160 judges (i.e. vacancy of 74 judges). The situation is not much better at the subordinate level. As on September 30, 2011, the sanctioned strength of judges at the subordinate level was 18,123 judges as against a working strength of 14,287 judges (i.e. 21% vacancy). The highest vacancy is in Gujarat with 794 vacancies of judges, followed by Bihar with 690 vacancies.
Fast Track Courts
The 11th Finance Commission had recommended a scheme for the establishment of 1734 FTCs for the expeditious disposal of cases pending in the lower courts. In this regard, the Commission had allocated Rs 500 crore. FTCs were to be established by the state governments in consultation with the respective High Courts. An average of five FTCs were to be established in each district of the country. The judges for these FTCs were appointed on an adhoc basis. The judges were selected by the High Courts of the respective states. There are primarily three sources of recruitment. First, by promoting members from amongst the eligible judicial officers; second, by appointing retired High Court judges and third, from amongst members of the Bar of the respective state.
FTCs were initially established for a period of five years (2000-2005). However, in 2005, the Supreme Court[2] directed the central government to continue with the FTC scheme, which was extended until 2010-2011. The government discontinued the FTC scheme in March 2011. Though the central government stopped giving financial assistance to the states for establishing FTCs, the state governments could establish FTCs from their own funds. The decision of the central government not to finance the FTCs beyond 2011 was challenged in the Supreme Court. In 2012, the Court upheld the decision of the central government.[3] It held that the state governments have the liberty to decide whether they want to continue with the scheme or not. However, if they decide to continue then the FTCs have to be made a permanent feature.
As of September 3, 2012, some states such as Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Kerala decided to continue with the FTC scheme. However, some states such as Haryana and Chhattisgarh decided to discontinue it. Other states such as Delhi and Karnataka have decided to continue the FTC scheme only till 2013.[4]
Table 1: Number of Fast Track Courts and the pending cases in FTCs (As on March 31, 2011)
State
No of FTC
No of cases transferred until March 31, 2011
Pending cases
Arunachal Pradesh
3
4,162
2,502
Bihar`
179
2,39,278
80,173
Assam
20
72,191
16,380
West Bengal
109
1,46,083
32,180
Goa
5
5,096
1,079
Punjab
15
58,570
12,223
Jharkhand
38
1,10,027
22,238
Gujarat
61
5,37.636
1,03,340
Chattisgarh
25
9,4670
18,095
Meghalaya
3
1,031
188
Rajasthan
83
1,49,447
26,423
Himachal Pradesh
9
40,126
6,699
Karnataka
87
2,18,402
34,335
Andhra Pradesh
108
2,36,928
36,975
Nagaland
2
845
129
Kerala
38
1,09,160
13,793
Mizoram
3
18,68
233
Haryana
6
38,359
4,769
Madhya Pradesh
84
3,60,602
43,239
UP
153
4,64,775
53,117
Maharashtra
51
4,23,518
41,899
Tamil Nadu
49
4,11,957
40,621
Uttarakhand
20
98,797
9006
Orissa
35
66,199
5,758
Manipur
2
3,059
198
Tripura
3
5,812
221
Total
1192
3898598
6,05,813
Sources: Lok Sabha Unstarred Question No.498, March 3, 2012; PRS


[1]. Rajya Sabha Starred Question no 231 dated December 10, 2012.
[2]. Brij Mohan Lal v Union of India (2005) 3 SCR 103.
[3]. Brij Mohan Lal v Union of India (2012) 6 SCC 502.
[4]. Rajya Sabha Unstarred Question no 2388 dated September 3, 2012